E-Book, Englisch, 336 Seiten
Guinness Last Call for Liberty
1. Auflage 2018
ISBN: 978-0-8308-7337-1
Verlag: InterVarsity Press
Format: EPUB
Kopierschutz: Adobe DRM (»Systemvoraussetzungen)
E-Book, Englisch, 336 Seiten
ISBN: 978-0-8308-7337-1
Verlag: InterVarsity Press
Format: EPUB
Kopierschutz: Adobe DRM (»Systemvoraussetzungen)
Os Guinness (DPhil, Oxford) was born in China and educated in England. He is the author of more than thirty books, including The Call, Renaissance, Fool's Talk, Impossible People, and Last Call for Liberty. He has been a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution and a senior fellow at the EastWest Institute. A frequent speaker and prominent social critic, he has addressed audiences worldwide. A passionate advocate of freedom of religion and conscience for people of all faiths and none, he was the lead drafter for both the Williamsburg Charter and the Global Charter of Conscience. He lives with his wife, Jenny, in the Washington, DC, area.
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Let my people go!
This day I call heaven and earth as witnesses today against you, that I have set before you life and death, blessings and curses. Now choose life, that you and your children may live.
Remember the earliest of days; grasp the years of generations that have been. Ask your father—he will tell you all; ask the elders of your kind, and they will say.
The citizens chafe impatiently at the least touch of authority, and at length . . . they cease to care even for the laws, written or unwritten. And this is the fair and glorious beginning out of which springs dictatorship. . . . The excess of liberty, whether in States or individuals, seems only to pass into excess of slavery. And so tyranny naturally arises out of democracy, and the most aggravated form of tyranny and slavery out of the most extreme form of liberty.
We can endure neither our vices nor their cures.
A man in a boat began to bore a hole under his seat. His fellow passengers protested. “What concern is it of yours?” he responded. “I am making a hole under my seat, not yours.” They replied, “That is so, but when the water enters and the boat sinks, we too will drown.”
Should any one of our nation be asked about our laws, he will repeat them as readily as his own name. The result of our thorough education in our laws from the very dawn of intelligence is that they are, as it were, engraved on our souls.
Pray for the welfare of the government, for if not for the fear of it, each man would swallow his neighbor alive.
When words lose their meaning, people lose their liberty.
Thus a good man, though a slave, is free; but a wicked man, though a king, is a slave. For he serves, not one man alone, but, what is worse, as many masters as he has vices.
For so long as one hundred men remain alive, we shall never under any condition submit to the domination of the English. It is not for glory or riches or honors that we fight, but only for liberty, which no good man will consent to lose but with his life.
The best instituted governments, like the best constituted animal bodies, carry in them the seeds of their destruction: and though they grow and improve for a time, they will soon tend to their dissolution. Every hour they live is an hour the less that they have to live.
Free peoples, remember this maxim: liberty can be gained, but never regained.
There is not a more difficult subject for the understanding of men than to govern a large Empire upon a plan of liberty.
The cause of America is, in a great measure, the cause of all mankind.
Posterity! You will never know how much it cost the present generation to preserve your freedom. I hope you will make good use of it. If you do not, I shall repent in heaven that I ever took half the pains to preserve it.
Society cannot exist unless a controlling power upon the will and appetite be placed somewhere; and the less of it there is within, the more there must be without. It is ordained in the eternal constitution of things, that men of intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE, 1791
All projects of government formed of a supposition of continual vigilance, sagacity, virtue, and firmness of the people, when possessed of the exercise of supreme power, are cheats and delusions.
It is seldom that liberty of any kind is lost all at once.
The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
I should have loved freedom, I believe, at all times, but in the times in which we live I am ready to worship it.
I have already said enough to put Anglo-American civilization in its true light. It is the product (and one should continually bear in mind this point of departure) of two perfectly distinct elements which elsewhere have often been at war with one another but which in America it was somehow possible to incorporate into each other, forming a marvelous combination. I mean the spirit of religion and the spirit of freedom. The rest of democracy in America essentially plays out these themes and their successes, their failures, their weaknesses, their promises, and their threats.
There is nothing more arduous than the apprenticeship of liberty.
Our political problem now is “Can we, as a nation, continue together permanently—forever—half slave and half free?” The problem is too mighty for me. May God, in his mercy, superintend the solution.
I have long been convinced that institutions purely democratic must, sooner or later, destroy liberty, or civilization, or both.
I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never asked anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my political warfare has been in favor of the teachings coming forth from that sacred hall. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if ever I prove false to those teachings.
EN ROUTE TO HIS INAUGURATION, 1861
May we not justly fear that the awful calamity of Civil War, which now desolates the land, may be but a punishment, inflicted on us, for our presumptuous sins, to the needful end of our national reformation as a whole People? We have been the recipients of the choicest bounties of Heaven. We have been preserved, these many years, in peace and prosperity. We have grown in numbers, wealth and power, as no other nation has grown. But we have forgotten God.
MARCH 1863
Responsibility: A detachable burden easily shifted to the shoulders of God, Fate, Fortune, Luck, or one’s neighbor. In the days of astrology it was customary to unload it upon a star.
In the strictest sense the history of liberty dates from 1776, for “never till then had men sought liberty knowing what they sought.”
The instructions of a secular morality that is not based on religious doctrines are exactly what a person ignorant of music might do, if he were made a conductor and started to wave his hands in front of musicians well rehearsed in what they were performing. By virtue of its own momentum, and from what previous conductors had taught the musicians, the music might continue for a while, but obviously the gesticulations made with the stick by a person who knows nothing about music would be useless and eventually confuse the musicians and throw the orchestra off course.
Starting with unlimited freedom, I arrive at unlimited despotism.
The American Government and the Constitution are based on the theology of Calvin and the philosophy of Hobbes.
Ideas are dangerous, but...




