Becker Sustainability Science

Managing Risk and Resilience for Sustainable Development
1. Auflage 2014
ISBN: 978-0-444-62729-2
Verlag: Elsevier Science & Techn.
Format: EPUB
Kopierschutz: 6 - ePub Watermark

E-Book, Englisch, 302 Seiten

A new, holistic transdisciplinary endeavour born in the 21st century, Sustainability Science: Managing Risk and Resilience for Sustainable Development aims to provide conceptual and practical approaches to sustainable development that help us to grasp and address uncertainty, complexity, ambiguity and dynamic change. Four aspects that permeate our contemporary world and undermine much of our traditional ways of thinking and doing. The concepts of risk and resilience are central in this endeavour to explain, understand and improve core challenges of humankind. Sustainability and sustainable development are increasingly important guiding principles across administrative levels, functional sectors and scientific disciplines. Policymakers, practitioners and academics continue to wrestle with the complexity of risk, resilience and sustainability, but because of the necessary transdisciplinary focus, it is difficult to find authoritative content in a single source. Sustainability Science: Managing Risk and Resilience for Sustainable Development presents the state of the world in relation to major sustainability challenges and their symptomatic effects, such as climate change, environmental degradation, poverty, disease and disasters. It then continues by elaborating on ways to approach and change our world to make it a safer and more sustainable place for current and future generations. The natural, applied and social sciences are woven together throughout the book to provide a more inclusive understanding of relevant processes, changes, trends and events. - Shows how disturbances, disruptions and disasters have always been intrinsic byproducts of the same human-environment systems that supply us with opportunities, as well as what implications that has for policy and practice towards sustainable development today - Introduces a new approach for grasping and addressing issues of risk and resilience in relation to sustainable development that is firmly rooted in a comprehensive philosophical and theoretical foundation and clearly linking the conceptual with the practical - Presents a holistic agenda for change that includes a more explicit role of science, reinforced focus on capacity development and the overall necessity of fundamental social change - Features more than 150 figures, full-color photographs, diagrams, and illustrations to highlight major themes and aid in the retention of key concepts

Per Becker is a Professor of Risk and Sustainability at Lund University (Sweden), Research Professor of Climate, Environment and Sustainability at NORCE (Norway), and Extraordinary Professor of Environmental Sciences and Management at North-West University (South Africa). He has an interdisciplinary background with a PhD in Sociology and another PhD in Engineering and has combined academia with a professional career for international organisations and public authorities. His research group has had a significant impact on policy and practice concerning issues of risk and sustainability, perhaps most notably, as a leading scientific provider of knowledge cited in global UN policies concerning capacity development and as a trusted partner to a range of local authorities, governmental agencies, and international organisations.

Autoren/Hrsg.

Becker, Per

Inhaltsverzeichnis

1;Front Cover;1
2;Sustainability Science;4
3;Copyright;5
4;Contents;6
5;Acknowledgments;8
6; 1 -
Introducing the Book;10
6.1;INTRODUCTION;10
6.2;PURPOSE OF THE BOOK;12
6.3;DEMARCATION OF THE BOOK;13
6.4;STRUCTURE OF THE BOOK;14
6.5;CONCLUSION;15
7;PART
I - THE STATE OF THE WORLD;16
7.1;2
- Our Past Defining Our Present;18
7.1.1;INTRODUCTION;18
7.1.2;CONQUERING OUR DYNAMIC WORLD;19
7.1.3;SOCIAL CHANGE OVER MILLENNIA;26
7.1.4;THE INVENTION OF RISK;33
7.1.5;CONCLUSION;36
7.2;3
- Our Sustainability Challenges;38
7.2.1;INTRODUCTION;38
7.2.2;OUR CHALLENGES AS DISCUSSED ON WORLD CONFERENCES;38
7.2.3;OUR BOUNDARIES FOR SUSTAINABILITY;59
7.2.4;CONCLUSION;65
7.3;4
- Our Disturbances, Disruptions and Disasters in a Dynamic World;66
7.3.1;INTRODUCTION;66
7.3.2;OUR SYMPTOMATIC EVENTS;67
7.3.3;OUR PROCESSES OF CHANGE;111
7.3.4;CONCLUSION;128
8;PART II -
APPROACHING THE WORLD;130
8.1;5
- Conceptual Frames for Risk, Resilience and Sustainable Development;132
8.1.1;INTRODUCTION;132
8.1.2;PHILOSOPHICAL ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT OUR WORLD;132
8.1.3;DEVELOPMENT, SUSTAINABILITY AND RISK;138
8.1.4;MANAGING RISK FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT;143
8.1.5;THE CONCEPT OF RESILIENCE;152
8.1.6;CONCLUSION;156
8.2;6
- Resilience—From Panacean to Pragmatic;158
8.2.1;INTRODUCTION;158
8.2.2;INHERENT RESTRICTIONS FOR MEASURING RESILIENCE;159
8.2.3;OPERATIONALIZING RESILIENCE;161
8.2.4;CHALLENGES FOR DEVELOPING RESILIENCE;174
8.2.5;LINKING RESILIENCE TO OTHER FRAMEWORKS;182
8.2.6;CONCLUSION;184
8.3;7
- The World as Human–Environment Systems;186
8.3.1;INTRODUCTION;186
8.3.2;WHY HUMAN–ENVIRONMENT SYSTEMS?;187
8.3.3;SYSTEMS APPROACHES AND CONCEPTS;188
8.3.4;CONSTRUCTING HUMAN–ENVIRONMENT SYSTEMS;196
8.3.5;CONCLUSION;202
9;PART III -
CHANGING THE WORLD;204
9.1;8
- Science and Change;206
9.1.1;INTRODUCTION;206
9.1.2;THE SCIENCES OF THE COMPLEMENTAL;207
9.1.3;TWO SCIENTIFIC PROCESSES;208
9.1.4;RELIABILITY, VALIDITY AND WORKABILITY;210
9.1.5;LIMITATIONS OF SCIENCE FOR CHANGE;212
9.1.6;CONCLUSION;214
9.2;9
- Developing Capacities for Resilience;216
9.2.1;INTRODUCTION;216
9.2.2;FOUR LEVELS OF CAPACITY;217
9.2.3;CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT FOR RESILIENCE;219
9.2.4;CENTRAL “SHIPS” IN CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT;237
9.2.5;CONCLUSION;251
9.3;10
- Social Change for a Resilient Society;254
9.3.1;INTRODUCTION;254
9.3.2;DESCRIBING SOCIAL CHANGE;255
9.3.3;PRESCRIBING SOCIAL CHANGE;259
9.3.4;CONCLUSION;263
9.4;11
- Concluding Remarks;266
9.4.1;INTRODUCTION;266
9.4.2;THE STATE OF THE WORLD;266
9.4.3;APPROACHING THE WORLD;268
9.4.4;CHANGING THE WORLD;270
9.4.5;CONCLUSION;272
10;References;274
11;Index;300

Leseproben

Chapter 2

Our Past Defining Our Present

Abstract

We are increasingly realizing that our world is in a dire state. Although this is not the only time in history we have been faced with significant sustainability challenges, it may be the first time the entire planet is at stake. The question is if we can learn from our past when understanding our present and possible futures. This chapter presents a brief overview of our history in relation to sustainability. How we conquered our planet and how we changed the way we understand and interact with our environment and amongst ourselves. Particular attention is given to the invention of risk, as intrinsically linked to modernity and our appreciation of our own agency.

Keywords

Development; Garden-variety concepts; Genetic fallacy; Hunter-gatherer; Industrial Revolution; Neolithic Revolution; Risk; Social change; Upper Paleolithic Revolution

Introduction

We are increasingly appreciating that we are rapidly approaching crossroads from which there are no returns once we fail to choose the right direction (Rockström et al., 2009). We may even have passed some of them already. This is however not the only time in history society has been at such crossroads, although it may be the first time the entire planet is at stake. We have been challenged before and we have prevailed. The question is if we can learn from our past when understanding our present. I think we need to.

Although there are valid objections against mixing up the origins and the validity of an idea, often referred to as the “genetic fallacy” (Cohen & Nagel, 1934: 388–390), there are strong arguments for why history matters. One of the more influential of these comes from the great sociologist Ernest Gellner (1989: 12), who do not object against the “genetic fallacy” in itself, but against how it is mistakenly extrapolated to argue that we do not need to be concerned with our past when assessing options for our future. Gellner advises instead that we study our past in order to understand our options for our future, and not to prejudge our potential choices (Gellner, 1989). “There are two very silly doctrines about knowledge and the world: that we can do whatever we wish, and that everything is completely determined” (Hall, 1986: 5). None of these standpoints holds in our dynamic and complex world. Social change over time is instead the result of a combination of choices made in particular historical contexts that influence what choices are possible. It is in other words not one necessary mechanism leading to social change, but instead a complex mix of economic, ideological and political factors (Hall, 1986: 5–6).

This chapter attempts to present an overview of our history in relation to sustainability; how we conquered the earth and how we changed the way we understand and interact with our environment and among ourselves. Although such task is daunting and I am aware of the inevitability of crude simplifications that may provoke devoted archaeologists, anthropologists, historians and sociologists, I view it as necessary to at least hint at the rich knowledge that these disciplines and others have to offer to understand the core challenges for our present and our future.

Conquering Our Dynamic World

We live on an extraordinary planet. During its more than 4.5 billion years of existence, it has been changing continuously, from a burning inferno without atmosphere, to a planet with continents and oceans. Although early forms of life had appeared around four billion years before, it was not until 200,000years ago that the first anatomically modern humans treaded the African soil (Haywood, 2011). This relatively young species turned out to be exceptionally good at adapting to new environments and spread from continent to continent, replacing the Neanderthals and other earlier human species (Mellars, 2006: 9381). Around 10,000years ago the entire world was colonized, except Antarctica (Haywood, 2011) (Figure 2.1).

The more successful early migrations out of Africa 60,000years ago, seem to have coincided with favorable climate conditions (Eriksson et al., 2012) and our ancestors reaching full behavioral modernity (Mellars, 2006), i.e. the appearance of fully articulate speech, intelligence and creativity relative to humans today (Eaton, 2006: 2). Regardless if this cognitive change was sudden or more gradual, it represents a fundamental transformation and is referred to as the Upper Paleolithic Revolution (Bar-Yosef, 2002). The resulting boost in the complexity of the technological, economic, social, and cognitive behavior of certain groups gave them a competitive edge over others (Mellars, 2006), who in turn would either learn or loose. Although our prevailing ancestors remained hunters and gatherers, systematic exploitation of raw material and tool production became common practice; specialized utensils and hunting tools appeared; symbols, decorations and jewelry emerged; and long-distance exchange networks for raw material and manufactured products were established (Bar-Yosef, 2002: 365–368).

Although humans had colonized all corners of our planet in 10000 BC, the global population remained at 4 million (Kremer, 1993: 683) and the environmental impact nominal. Even with all the advances of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution, humans lived of their environment without consciously changing it. The challenge for these hunter-gatherer societies was the production of sufficient quantities of food, which was regulated by the natural carrying capacity of each ecosystem, meaning that local overpopulation had only two outcomes: migration or starvation (Fischer-Kowalski & Haberl, 1997: 66).

Then suddenly, between 8000 and 5000 BC, groups of humans in a number of independent locations around the world started to cultivate plants and domesticate animals (Gupta, 2004). This change marked a second fundamental transformation of society and is referred to as the Neolithic Revolution. Regardless of the reasons behind this transformation, which have been heavily debated over the years (Weisdorf, 2005) and nobody is quite sure why such step was taken (Hall, 1986: 27), it marked the start of humans actively changing their environment to suit their purposes (Haberl et al., 2011: 2).

The first farmers were cultivators of wild cereals, such as einkorn, wheat, barley, rye, etc. (Bar-Yosef, 1998: 151), which is often considered a lucky coincidence as gatherers may accidentally have dropped seeds on fertile places in or around their dwellings (Weisdorf, 2005: 568). Initially, these early hunter-gatherer farmers were semisedentary, still moving around seasonally to secure their livelihood. In addition to farming, humans also started to domesticate animals, such as goats, sheep, cattle and pigs, which they had been hunting for millennia and were familiar with (Bar-Yosef, 1998: 151). As farming and animal rearing proved viable, they completed the transition to be fully sedentary.

FIGURE 2.1 Early migration of modern humans. Based on Haywood, 2011.

The Neolithic Revolution did not only result in changes in food production practices and movement patterns. Technological advances in farming, such as irrigation (Goring-Morris & Belfer-Cohen, 2011:S204), made surplus food production possible, and developments in storage technology, such as pottery (Goring-Morris & Belfer-Cohen, 2011), made it possible to store food over time. This greater reliability of food supplies increased the fertile age span of women (Bar-Yosef, 1998: 151) and the shifts in diet and living conditions resulted in major impacts on health and body size (Bar-Yosef, 1998: 147). Consequently, the population growth increased more than seven times between 10000 and 5000 BC and doubled again as the new practices spread over the world in the next 1000years (Kremer, 1993: 683).

Growing populations in combination with permanent settlements and surplus production resulted in the formation of villages, allowing an emerging division of labor and the accumulation of wealth (Childe & Shennan, 2009: 3–5). When villages were large enough they became viable gene pools, reducing or removing the necessity to move long distances to find partners (Bar-Yosef, 1998: 151). The division of labor did not only emerge within villages, but also between villages with different specialties and access to different resources (Kelly, 1979: 39–40; Childe & Shennan, 2009: 13), which further developed organized trade. More complex levels of social alliances emerged and the importance of territory and ownership increased (Bar-Yosef, 1998: 151).

More advanced institutions for inheriting wealth between generations developed in agrarian societies, which also coincided with interesting patterns in the inheritability of skills and social networks (Borgerhoff Mulder et al., 2009). The division of labor had in other words not only an impact on production, but on social status (Borgerhoff Mulder et al., 2009), resulting in increased social stratification based on competition for power within communities (Kuijt, 2000: 77). With the potential of accumulating wealth, together with new notions of territory, ownership and power, came organized armed conflict (Childe & Shennan, 2009: 59–60).

Villages...