Elliot Advances in Motivation Science

1. Auflage 2014
ISBN: 978-0-12-800598-9
Verlag: Elsevier Science & Techn.
Format: EPUB
Kopierschutz: 6 - ePub Watermark

E-Book, Englisch, Band Volume 1, 286 Seiten

Reihe: Advances in Motivation Science

Elsevier are proud to introduce our brand new serial, Advances in Motivation Science. The topic of motivation has traditionally been one of the mainstays of the science of psychology. It played a major role in early dynamic and Gestalt models of the mind and it was fundamental to behaviorist theories of learning and action. The advent of the cognitive revolution in the 1960 and 70s eclipsed the emphasis on motivation to a large extent, but in the past two decades motivation has returned en force. Today, motivational analyses of affect, cognition, and behavior are ubiquitous across psychological literatures and disciplines; motivation is not just a 'hot topic on the contemporary scene, but is firmly entrenched as a foundational issue in scientific psychology. This volume brings together internationally recognized experts focusing on cutting edge theoretical and empirical contributions in this important area of psychology. - Elsevier's brand new serial focusing on the field of motivation science and research - Provides an overview of important research programs conducted by the most respected scholars in psychology - Special attention on directions for future research

Andrew J. Elliot is Professor of Psychology at the University of Rochester. He received his Ph. D. from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1994. His research areas include achievement motivation, approach-avoidance motivation, the development of motivation and self-regulation, and subtle cue and context effects on psychological functioning. He has been (or currently is) an Associate Editor at Emotion, Journal of Personality, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Psychological Science, and Social and Personality Psychology Compass, and has edited two handbooks: Handbook of competence and motivation (with Carol Dweck) and Handbook of approach and avoidance motivation. He has over 170 scholarly publications, has received research grants from public and private agencies, and has been awarded multiple awards for his research contributions.

Autoren/Hrsg.

Elliot, Andrew J.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

1;Front Cover;1
2;Advances in Motivation Science;2
3;Advances in Motivation Science;4
4;Copyright
;5
5;Contents;6
6;List of Contributors;8
7;Preface;10
8;Parochial Cooperation in Humans: Forms and Functions of Self-Sacrifice in Intergroup Conflict;12
8.1;1. Introduction;13
8.2;2. Origins and Orchestration of Parochial Cooperation;15
8.2.1;2.1 (Inter)Group Life as a Multilevel Social Dilemma;16
8.2.2;2.2 Forms and Functions of Parochial Cooperation;20
8.3;3. Parochial Cooperation Rests on In-Group Love More Than on Out-Group Hate;22
8.3.1;3.1 Intergroup Discrimination in Cooperative Decision-Making;22
8.3.2;3.2 Social Identity Striving and Group Interdependence;24
8.4;4. Indirect Reciprocity and Reputation;26
8.4.1;4.1 Reputation Concerns and Indirect Reciprocity Motivate Parochial Cooperation;27
8.4.2;4.2 Reputation and Social Standing Benefits from Parochial Cooperation;29
8.4.3;4.3 Summary and Conclusions;30
8.5;5. Parochialism is More Prominent among Prosocial Individuals;31
8.5.1;5.1 Prosocial Individuals Escalate Intergroup Conflict;31
8.5.2;5.2 Prosocial Representatives are Parochial in Intergroup Bargaining;33
8.5.3;5.3 Summary and Conclusions;35
8.6;6. Parochialism is Sustained by Hypothalamic Oxytocin;35
8.6.1;6.1 Oxytocin Enables Parochial Cooperation;36
8.6.2;6.2 Oxytocin Motivates Defensive Aggression;38
8.6.3;6.3 Oxytocin Motivates In-Group Serving Dishonesty;40
8.6.4;6.4 Summary and Conclusions;41
8.7;7. Discussion and Research Agenda;41
8.7.1;7.1 Evolutionary Perspectives versus Social Identity Perspectives;42
8.7.2;7.2 Hypotheses Inspired by Biological Models;45
8.7.3;7.3 The Role of Emotions in Parochial Cooperation;46
8.7.4;7.4 Reinvigorating Experimental Games and Expanding Its Base;47
8.7.5;7.5 Parochialism and Intergroup Cooperation;48
8.8;8. Coda;49
8.9;References;50
9;Affective Consequences of Intentional Action Control;60
9.1;1. Introduction;61
9.2;2. Selection and Affective Devaluation;63
9.2.1;2.1 Attentional Selection and Devaluation;63
9.2.2;2.2 Response Suppression and Devaluation;64
9.3;3. Underlying Mechanisms of Distractor Devaluation;65
9.3.1;3.1 Devaluation-by-Inhibition Assumption;65
9.3.2;3.2 Evaluative Labels;67
9.4;4. Interference and Affective Devaluation;68
9.4.1;4.1 Cognitive Interference;68
9.4.2;4.2 Motivational Interference;73
9.5;5. Consequences of Distractor Devaluation;74
9.5.1;5.1 Distractor Devaluation and Social Attitudes;74
9.5.2;5.2 Benefits of Distractor Devaluation for Action Control;79
9.5.2.1;5.2.1 Potential Consequences for Cognitive Processing;79
9.5.2.2;5.2.2 Potential Consequences for Behavioral Avoidance;81
9.5.2.2.1;5.2.2.1 Negative Priming;82
9.5.2.2.2;5.2.2.2 Dealing with Attractive Alternative Partners;83
9.5.2.2.3;5.2.2.3 Distractor Evaluations and Subsequent Selection;84
9.6;6. Conclusion;86
9.7;References;88
10;Terror Management Theory and Research: How the Desire for Death Transcendence Drives Our Strivings for Meaning and Significance;96
10.1;1. The Roots of TMT and Research;97
10.2;2. The Core of TMT and Research;99
10.2.1;2.1 Mortality Salience and the Worldview;101
10.2.2;2.2 TMT and Prejudice;102
10.2.3;2.3 TMT and Self-Esteem;103
10.2.4;2.4 Threats to Terror Management Structures and Death Thought Accessibility;104
10.2.5;2.5 Death and Animality;104
10.2.6;2.6 The Role of Affect in MS Effects;105
10.2.7;2.7 The Dual Defense Model;106
10.3;3. The Many Branches of TMT and Research;108
10.3.1;3.1 TMT and Politics;109
10.3.2;3.2 Terror Management and Religious Faith;111
10.3.3;3.3 Love and Death;114
10.3.4;3.4 The Roles of Parents and Children in Terror Management;115
10.3.5;3.5 TMT and Health;116
10.3.6;3.6 The Emerging Neuroscience of Terror Management;119
10.4;4. How Death Relates to Other Types of Threats;122
10.4.1;4.1 The Role of Uncertainty, Meaning, Control, and Interpersonal Relations in TMT;123
10.4.2;4.2 Do Other Threats Sometimes Produce Effects Similar to MS?;124
10.4.3;4.3 Conceptual Problems with Alternatives to TMT;125
10.4.3.1;4.3.1 Uncertainty;126
10.4.3.2;4.3.2 Meaning Threat;127
10.4.3.3;4.3.3 Death Is Not Living;128
10.4.4;4.4 Threat-General and Threat-Specific Aspects of Coping;128
10.5;5. The Positive Potential of Terror Management;131
10.5.1;5.1 Constructive Consequences of Proximal Terror Management;131
10.5.2;5.2 Constructive Consequences of Distal Terror Management;132
10.6;6. All Leaves Must Fall;134
10.7;References;134
11;“Happiness” and “The Good Life” as Motives Working Together Effectively;146
11.1;1. Introduction;147
11.2;2. Happiness as Desire-Satisfaction;148
11.3;3. Beyond Pleasure and Pain;150
11.3.1;3.1 Regulatory Focus Theory and the Experience of Pleasure and Pain;151
11.3.2;3.2 Regulatory Focus Theory and the Perception of Pleasure and Pain;152
11.4;4. Beyond Value;155
11.4.1;4.1 Truth Motives;156
11.4.2;4.2 Control Motives;159
11.5;5. Beyond Maximization;162
11.5.1;5.1 Character Strengths and Virtues;164
11.5.2;5.2 Regulatory Fit;165
11.6;6. Effective Organization of Motives;168
11.6.1;6.1 Motivations Working Together;168
11.6.2;6.2 Situational to Chronic Regulatory Fit;171
11.7;7. Implications of the “Good Life” as the EOM;176
11.7.1;7.1 Animal Welfare Science;176
11.7.2;7.2 Moral Psychology;179
11.8;8. Final Comment;183
11.9;References;184
12;Ideological Differences in Epistemic Motivation: Implications for Attitude Structure, Depth of Information Processing, Susc ...;192
12.1;1. Introduction;193
12.2;2. Ideological Symmetries and Asymmetries in Motivated Reasoning;196
12.3;3. A Theory of Political Ideology as Motivated Social Cognition;199
12.4;4. Are There Ideological Asymmetries in Attitude Structure?;203
12.4.1;4.1 A Large-Scale Internet Study;204
12.4.2;4.2 Indirect Measure of Attitude Strength: Correspondence between “Gut” and “Actual” Reactions;205
12.4.3;4.3 Metacognitive Indices of Attitude Strength;205
12.4.3.1;4.3.1 Ideological Differences in Attitudinal Certainty, Stability, Elaboration, Ambivalence, and Dimensional Polarity;211
12.4.3.2;4.3.2 Self-Deception and Other Mediators of the Relationship between Conservatism and Metacognitive Attitude Strength;212
12.4.4;4.4 Ideological Asymmetries in Implicit-Explicit Attitude Correspondence;215
12.5;5. Are There Ideological Asymmetries in Susceptibility and Resistance to Different Types of Persuasive Influence?;217
12.5.1;5.1 Ideological Differences in Heuristic versus Systematic Processing;218
12.5.2;5.2 Ideological Differences in Susceptibility to Implicit vs. Explicit Forms of Attitude Change;223
12.6;6. Are There Ideological Asymmetries in Reliance on Stereotypical Cues?;227
12.7;7. Concluding Remarks;231
12.8;References;235
13;Neurobiological Concomitants of Motivational States;244
13.1;1. Introduction;245
13.1.1;1.1 Emotion and Neurobiology;246
13.1.2;1.2 Stress and Neurobiology;248
13.2;2. Biological Systems Underlying Motivational States: Mood Rings, Tea Leaves, and Psychophysiology;250
13.2.1;2.1 Autonomic Nervous System;254
13.2.1.1;2.1.1 Cardiovascular Theories;255
13.2.1.2;2.1.2 Heart Rate Variability;257
13.2.2;2.2 Neural Activity: Electroencephalogram;259
13.2.2.1;2.2.1 Relative Left Frontal Activity and Approach Motivation;259
13.2.2.2;2.2.2 Error-Related Negativity and Defensive Motivational Responses;261
13.2.3;2.3 Neuroendocrine;262
13.2.4;2.4 Cellular Biology;264
13.3;3. Moderators of Motivational States;265
13.3.1;3.1 Context;265
13.3.2;3.2 Thoughts Alter Motivational States;267
13.3.3;3.3 Developmental Factors;269
13.3.4;3.4 Sociocultural Environment;272
13.4;4. Summary;274
13.5;References;274
14;Index;282

Leseproben

Chapter One Parochial Cooperation in Humans: Forms and Functions of Self-Sacrifice in Intergroup Conflict
Carsten K.W. De Dreu*,1, Daniel Balliet§ and Nir Halevy¶     *University of Amsterdam, Department of Psychology and Center for Experimental Economics and Political Decision Making (CREED), The Netherlands     §VU University Amsterdam, Department of Social and Organizational Psychology, The Netherlands     ¶Stanford University, Graduate School of Business, Stanford, CA, USA
1 Corresponding author: E-mail: [e-mail] 
Abstract
Although cooperation between groups is not unusual, most forms of human cooperation are in-group bounded and, sometimes, motivated by the desire to ward-off and subordinate rivaling out-groups. Building on evolutionary perspectives and models, we propose that humans evolved a capacity for parochial cooperation, which entails (1) in-group love: the tendency to cooperate with and extend trust toward those others who are similar, familiar rather than unfamiliar, and belong to one's own group; and (2) out-group hate: a willingness to fight against rivaling out-groups. This chapter reviews our own work, and that of others, showing that parochial cooperation (1) emerges especially when it benefits individuals' within-group reputation, (2) affects one's within-group status, (3) is more prominent among individuals with chronic prosocial rather than proself value orientation, and (4) is sustained and motivated by oxytocin, an evolutionary ancient hypothalamic neuropeptide pivotal in social bonding, pair–bond formation, and empathic responding. Across the board, findings resonate well with relatively recent evolutionary theory on (inter)group relations and add to classic theory in social psychology. Keywords
Altruism; Competition; Decision-making; Endocrinology; Intergroup relations 1. Introduction
May 1940, World War II is raging through Europe and after 10 days of resistance, the Dutch army surrenders and German forces occupy the Netherlands. During the first year, the Germans impose their increasingly severe anti-Jewish regulations. In Amsterdam, and elsewhere, signs that read “Jews Prohibited” appear at entrances to cafés, theaters, parks, and other public places. Jews are dismissed from government jobs and their children are sent home from school. In the summer of 1942, deportations begin. Those without a place to hide do not stand a chance and, eventually, over 80% of all Jewish men, women, and children living in Amsterdam are transported to concentration camps in Eastern Europe, where they are murdered. One of these people was Walter Süskind, a refugee from Germany and member of the Jewish Council in Amsterdam. He lived with his family close to a nursery where the Nazis put young Jewish children before deportation. In utmost secrecy and risking their lives every day, Süskind and a small group of confidents rescued children through the backyard of the nursery, from where they went, in a backpack or laundry basket, to rural areas in the Netherlands. Estimates are that they saved about 600 children. Süskind and his family, however, were captured, deported, and killed in late 1944, just a few months before World War II ended. October 1991, Chechnya, a mostly rural region in the North Caucasus declares independence from Russia and thousands of people of non-Chech ethnicity leave the newly established republic amidst reports of discrimination and violence. In the following 10 years, the country is crippled by two separatist wars against Russian army forces, leaving families, households, farms, and factories destroyed. By early 2000, Moscow enforces full control over Chechnya and its neighboring states in the North Caucasus, including Ossetia and Dagestan. It is against this background that Dmitry Sokolov, a student in Moscow with roots in Chechnya, carefully takes the explosive belt with 500 g of TNT equivalent and filled with sharp metal objects and dowel pins. He straps the belt to Naida Asiyalova, the women he fell in love with less than three years ago and who recruited him to join the rebels in her native Dagestan. In those past three years, Dmitry and Naida converted into Muslim faith and became increasingly fanatic. And on October 23, 2013, with rush hour just setting in, Naida blew herself up in a bus near the Russian town of Volgorad, killing herself along with five others, and injuring another thirty.1 Different as they are, the stories about Süskind and Asiyalova share three elements that are at the core of the current chapter. Both Walter Süskind and Naida Asiyalova operated in a small group of people sharing a common purpose and fate, and working together to achieve that purpose. Both these individuals, and their groups, operated in an intergroup setting marked by competition, conflict, and extreme violence. And both Süskind and Asiyalova risked and sacrificed their lives to bring their group's goal closer—to save Jewish children from the gas chambers, to prevent the Nazis from achieving their goals, to bring closer an independent North Caucasus, and to hurt Russians for past war cruelty and oppression. Here we try to understand this set of observations: That humans self-sacrifice to promote the survival, cause, and prosperity of the groups they belong to, and that such self-sacrifice may take benign and prosocial, but also utterly hateful and destructive forms. We wonder whether the self-sacrificial “in-group love” by Süskind and the self-sacrificial “out-group hate” by Asiyalova are confined to a handful of heroes and fanatics, or whether milder traces of such tendencies rest within each of us, and affect our day-to-day behavior. We surmise that these prosocial and antisocial tendencies may not be as distinct as they seem, and may be, in fact, brighter and darker sides of the same coin. We explore the possibility that prosocial martyrdom and spiteful terror share motivational and neurobiological roots, and we identify chronic predispositions, and social psychological conditions that amplify or restrain human willingness to self-sacrifice in intergroup conflicts. We proceed as follows. Section 2 reviews game-theoretic, social psychological, and evolutionary models' assertions about self-sacrifice in intergroup competition and conflict. Although these perspectives make sometimes competing predictions, they converge on the core proposition that in intergroup settings, self-sacrifice and cooperation is parochial (in-group oriented and bounded), with its ultimate function to increase inclusive fitness (Alexander, 1990; Bowles & Gintis, 2011). Accordingly, parochial cooperation is motivated by, and manifested in (1) protecting and promoting the in-group (henceforth in-group love), and (2) derogating and fighting more or less rivaling out-groups (henceforth out-group hate). In Section 3 we consider in-group love and out-group hate in more detail, and review our experimental and meta-analytic studies suggesting that in-group love is primary to out-group hate in motivating parochial cooperation. Section 4 asks whether, when, and how displays of parochial cooperation depend on reputation concerns, and influences within-group reputation and status. Section 5 relates parochial cooperation, and in-group love and out-group hate, to individual differences in social value orientation—the chronic tendency to value personal outcomes only (individualistic), or instead personal and others' outcomes alike (prosocial). Section 6 traces parochial cooperation back to oxytocin—a neurohormonal modulator of social bonding, pair–bond formation, and empathy. In Section 7 we summarize the main conclusions and implications for contemporary theory on human cooperation in intergroup competition and conflict. We conclude with avenues for future research. 2. Origins and Orchestration of Parochial Cooperation
Humans are group-living, social animals and much of their evolutionary success has been attributed to their strong capacity for cooperation and collective action (Wilson, 2012). Humans create cohesive groups and, more than any other species, engage in complex forms of cooperative exchange with unfamiliar and genetically unrelated others (Nowak, Tarnita, & Wilson, 2010). It is within such groups that negotiation and trade evolved (Horan, Bulte, & Shoran, 2005); social and technological innovations were designed, disseminated, and implemented (Wynn, Coolidge, & Bright, 2009; Flinn, Ponzy, & Muehlenbein, 2012); artistic expressions and cultural rituals developed (Zilhao, 2007); and ways to disseminate knowledge, insights, values, and preferences were perfected (Baumeister, Masicampo, & Vohs, 2011; Nijstad & De Dreu, 2012). 2.1. (Inter)Group Life as a Multilevel Social Dilemma
One core reason that humans evolved into such social animals is that creating and promoting group life increases individual survival and prosperity probabilities well beyond what individuals could achieve in isolation. It is because humans work hard, contribute accurate information and solid insights to the group, adequately process others' contributions, and stick to agreed-upon rules and regulations; so that the group avoids disaster, reaches high quality decisions, and prospers (De Dreu, Nijstad & Van Knippenberg, 2008). And being part of such strong, well-functioning, and innovative groups provides fitness functionality to...