E-Book, Englisch, Band 101, 336 Seiten, Format (B × H): 153 mm x 227 mm
Reihe: Schriftenreihe des Arbeitskreises Europäische Integration e.V.
Priesmeyer-Tkocz Common Values
1. Auflage 2017
ISBN: 978-3-8452-8477-4
Verlag: Nomos
Format: PDF
Kopierschutz: Adobe DRM (»Systemvoraussetzungen)
Discussing German and Polish Perceptions of European Integration
E-Book, Englisch, Band 101, 336 Seiten, Format (B × H): 153 mm x 227 mm
Reihe: Schriftenreihe des Arbeitskreises Europäische Integration e.V.
ISBN: 978-3-8452-8477-4
Verlag: Nomos
Format: PDF
Kopierschutz: Adobe DRM (»Systemvoraussetzungen)
An understanding of common values and principles plays an important role in discussions on the further development of European integration and the increase in right-wing populist and protectionist tendencies in Europe. This relates to both the scientific debate and public opinion, as well as the policy of the European Union and its member states.
This collected volume aims to address convergences and divergences, arguments and counterarguments in the German and Polish understanding of European integration, EU policies and bilateral relations through the lens of common values and principles. A predominantly younger generation of academics and analysts from Germany and Poland contributed to the collection.
The approach was to present a volume that is multi-perspective, interdisciplinary and solution-oriented, with the overall objective of enriching German, Polish and European discussions on this subject by presenting new research findings, reflective questions, trenchant conclusions and possible joint courses of action.
With contributions by
Kai-Olaf Lang, Magdalena Musial-Karg, Adam Jaskulski, Adrian Chojan, Mikolaj J. Tomaszyk, Maciej Cieslukowski, Adam Kirpsza, Ida Musialkowska, Mariusz Ruszel, Jan Muszynski, Kamila Schöll-Mazurek, Marta Kozlowska, Erik Malchow, Oliver Tettenborn, Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, Thomas Mehlhausen, Bartosz Rydlinski und Weronika Priesmeyer-Tkocz.
Autoren/Hrsg.
Fachgebiete
Weitere Infos & Material
1;Cover;1
2; Discussing different perceptions of European integration and common values – introduction;7
3; Can Brussels save democracy? The lacking effectiveness of EU democracy policy towards member states;13
3.1; Introduction;13
3.2; 1. Changes of democracy in EU member states;15
3.2.1; 1.1. Changes of democracy as a result of ‘ambitious transformation’;15
3.2.2; 1.2. The erosion of democracy;17
3.3; 2. How to respond?;18
3.3.1; 2 1 Formal instruments;19
3.3.2; 2.2. Informal instruments;24
3.4; 3. The limited effectiveness of EU action;25
3.4.1; 3.1. Counter-strategies of countries in question;25
3.4.2; 3.2. Some thoughts about effectiveness;27
4; Direct democracy vs. European solidarity – 2016 British and Hungarian referenda;31
4.1; 1. Introduction;31
4.2; 2. The Brexit referendum;35
4.3; 3. Referendum in Hungary;38
4.4; 4. Concluding remarks;43
5; The Polish road to an illiberal democracy;47
5.1; 1. Introduction;47
5.2; 2. A new political situation in Poland. How did we get here?;48
5.3; 3. Is Poland still a liberal democracy?;53
5.4; 4. Common European values versus national interests;58
5.5; 5. Conclusion;60
6; Polish European policy under the rule of governments formed by the Law and Justice party – foundations and practice;63
6.1; 1. Introduction;63
6.2; 2. Ideological assumptions of Law and Justice’s European policy;66
6.3; 3. Foreign policy pursued by Beata Szyd?o’s government;73
6.4; 4. Summary;80
7; Fundamental rights and the surveillance of telecommunications in Poland and Germany – so similar yet so different;83
7.1; A. The main problem with methods of surveillance;83
7.1.1; I. “A treasure chest of information”;83
7.1.2; II. Standards;84
7.2; B. National and international foundations of the same values;87
7.2.1; I. The constitutional scope of telecommunication privacy;88
7.2.2; II. Guarantees within the scope of the ECHR – an overview;88
7.2.3; III. The case law in Poland and Germany;90
7.3; C. The legal scope of the duty to notify concerning the surveillance of telecommunications in Poland and Germany;91
7.3.1; I. Solutions in the German legislation;92
7.3.1.1; 1. Repression vs. prevention;92
7.3.1.2; 2. The duty to inform in German police law and in criminal trial;95
7.3.2; II. Solutions in Polish legislation;96
7.3.2.1; 1. The origin of the operational and detection functions of the police;97
7.3.2.2; 2. The duty to inform in the Polish police law and the codes of criminal procedure;99
7.4; D. Two examples of the importance of the duty of notification;102
7.4.1; I. The Börgerl case;103
7.4.2; II. The case of Wróblewski and others;103
7.4.3; III. Interim conclusion;104
7.5; E. Why so similar yet so different?;105
7.5.1; I. The escape from freedom;105
7.5.2; II. Socialist ideals;106
7.5.3; III. Consequences (and more);109
7.5.4; IV. Using the duties to inform as litmus paper in the area of tension between security and freedom;111
8; Energy security from different perspectives – Germany and Poland;113
8.1; 1. Introduction;113
8.2; 2. Definition of energy security;113
8.3; 3. Energy security – Germany and Poland in comparison;116
8.4; 4. The understanding of energy security in Germany and Poland;119
8.5; 5. Is there room for trust in energy policy relations between Poland and Germany?;125
8.6; 6. Summary;129
9; Solidarity or business? Financial relations between Germany and Poland within the European Union budget;131
9.1; 1. Introduction;131
9.2; 2. The rule of financial solidarity;132
9.3; 3. “I want my money back”;135
9.4; 4. Germany’s financial assistance for Poland;137
9.5; 5. Is Germany a real net contributor?;139
9.6; 6. Summary;144
10; Together or separately? Explaining voting cohesion between the Polish and German Members of the European Parliament;147
10.1; Introduction;147
10.2; 1. Polish and German delegations in the EP: a comparison;148
10.3; 2. What affects voting cohesion between Polish and German MEPs? – Hypotheses;154
10.4; 3. Research design;160
10.5; 4. Polish-German voting cohesion in the EP: descriptive statistics;164
10.6; 5. Polish-German voting cohesion in the EP: statistical analysis;170
10.7; 6. Conclusions;175
11; Implementation of European Union law in Poland;179
11.1; 1. Introduction;179
11.2; 2. Transposition of the EU law in Poland in numbers;180
11.3; 3. The enforcement performance of Poland;181
11.4; 4. Incorrect transposition of directives and infringements proceedings against Poland;187
11.5; 5. Tools facilitating the implementation of the EU law in Poland;190
11.6; 6. Current developments and conclusions;191
12; Free movement of workers and services as fundamental principles of the European Union. A case study of Polish citizens in the German labour market;193
12.1; 1. Introduction;193
12.2; 2. Rights of Polish economic migrants in the light of the EU directives;195
12.3; 3. Facts;197
12.4; Obstacles to the full realization of free movement of workers;200
12.5; 4. New forms of employment and unfavourable mechanisms on the German labour market;201
12.6; 5. Free movement of labour at the European level – solutions and work in progress;206
12.7; 6. Solutions supporting the functionality of the free movement of workers within the EU in the framework of Polish-German relations;208
12.8; 7. Reflections;211
12.9; 8. Conclusions and recommendations;214
13; Language in the service of politics: examples from Germany and Poland;217
13.1; 1. Ambiguity of political terms and the public discourse;217
13.2; 2. Social world complexity and volatility as a challenge for social actors;224
13.3; 3. Concepts’ proneness to changes in meaning;230
13.4; 4. People’s responsiveness to political redefinitions;231
13.5; 5. Summary;236
14; Communication of Poles and Germans through social media;239
14.1; 1. Clustering in the network;239
14.2; 2. Habitus of a community;240
14.3; 3. Statistics on German-Polish internet usage;242
14.4; 4. German-Polish stereotypes on the internet;243
14.5; 5. Sports, electronic music and homosexuality;245
14.6; 6. The ‘Polish leaving’;247
14.7; 7. Migration of stereotypes;249
14.8; 8. Consolidation through humour: Marek Fis versus Steffen Möller;250
14.9; 9. Social function of social media;251
14.10; 10. Democratization of the internet;252
14.11; 11. Key benefits of stereotypes;253
15; Careless speech: The misfunctioning of German-Polish and West-East communicative relations as an example for the underestimation of relationship aspects in Discourse Ethics;255
15.1; 1. Introduction and Outline: Western values, Eastern misvalues or: Getes, Polish and other suspicious citizens of ‘our’ outskirts;255
15.2; 2. Can the Subaltern speak? Or: is there anybody out there?;261
15.3; 3. DE as software of a universalistic (and somewhat solipsistic) culture;263
15.4; 4. Communication as relationship or: othering of the East;266
15.5; 5. Towards a communicative practice of talking and listening to each other;269
16; Geeint gegen den Feind? Ostpolitische Konzeptionen polnischer und deutscher Parteien während des Ukrainekriegs;273
16.1; 1. Einleitung;273
16.2; 2. Die ostpolitische Debatte im Sejm der Republik Polen;279
16.2.1; Bürgerplattform (PO);280
16.2.2; Polnische Bauernpartei (PSL);285
16.2.3; Recht und Gerechtigkeit (PiS) und Solidarisches Polen (SP);288
16.2.4; Bündnis der Demokratischen Linken (SLD);291
16.2.5; Deine Bewegung (TR);294
16.3; 3. Die ostpolitische Debatte im Deutschen Bundestag;296
16.3.1; Christlich-Demokratische Union (CDU) / Christlich-Soziale Union (CSU);297
16.3.2; Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD);301
16.3.3; Bündnis 90/Die Grünen;305
16.3.4; Die Linke;308
16.4; 4. Auswertung der Debatten;312
16.5; 5. Fazit;314
17; Polish-German cooperation in strengthening European policy towards the East;317
17.1; 1. Between Giedroyc and Bahr – On the Polish and German myths of foreign policy;318
17.2; 2. What’s next for the Eastern Partnership?;319
17.3; 3. Ukraine as primus inter pares of the Eastern Partnership?;322
17.4; 4. How should the policy towards Putin’s Russia be?;324
17.5; 5. Potential allies to the Polish-German cooperation;326
17.6; 6. Why should we believe in Polish-German cooperation?;327
18; Contributors (in alphabetical order);331
