Hamilton The Works of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 8

1. Auflage 2015
ISBN: 978-1-5183-1858-0
Verlag: Krill Press
Format: EPUB
Kopierschutz: 0 - No protection

E-Book, Englisch, 527 Seiten

Unfortunately, one of the best known aspects of Alexander Hamilton's (1755-1804) life is the manner in which he died, being shot and killed in a famous duel with Aaron Burr in 1804. But Hamilton became one of the most instrumental Founding Fathers of the United States in that time, not only in helping draft and gain support for the U.S. Constitution but in also leading the Federalist party and building the institutions of the young federal government as Washington's Secretary of Treasury.


Hamilton is also well remembered for his authorship, along with John Jay and James Madison, of the Federalist Papers. The Federalist Papers sought to rally support for the Constitution's approval when those three anonymously wrote them, but for readers and scholars today they also help us get into the mindset of the Founding Fathers, including the 'Father of the Constitution' himself. They also help demonstrate how men of vastly different political ideologies came to accept the same Constitution.


Hamilton was a prominent politician and a prolific writer who had his hand in everything from the Constitution, the Federalist Papers, and President Washington's speeches, as well as an influential voice in policy and the formation of initial political parties. His works were compiled into a giant 12 volume series by Henry Cabot, which included everything from his speeches to his private correspondence.  This edition of Hamilton's Works: Volume 8 includes his Miscellaneous Papers covering events from 1787-1801, such as the French Revolution and the debate over taxation, as well as drafting speeches for President Washington, Washington's Farewell Address, relations with Native Americans, and more

Autoren/Hrsg.

Hamilton, Alexander

Leseproben

JANUARY 19TH.—SPEECH ON THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE TO GOVERNOR CLINTON’S MESSAGE
.................. 2 This now leads us to examine the important question presented to us by the proposed amendment. For my own part, I have seen with regret the progress of this business, and it was my earnest wish to have avoided the present discussion. I saw with regret the first application of Congress to the Governor, because it was easy to perceive that it involved a delicate dilemma: Either the Governor, from consideration of inconvenience, might refuse to call the Assembly, which would derogate from the respect due to Congress; or he might call them, and, by being brought together at an unreasonable period before the time appointed by law for the purpose, they would meet with reluctance and perhaps with a disposition less favorable than might be wished to the views of Congress themselves. I saw, with equal regret, the next step of the business. If a conference had been desired with Congress, it might have been had—circumstances might have been explained; reasons might have been assigned satisfactory to them for not calling the Legislature, and the affair might have been compromised. But instead of this, the Governor thought fit to answer by a flat denial, founded on a constitutional amendment, and the idea of an invasion of the right of free deliberation was brought into view. I earnestly wished the matter to have rested here. I might appeal to gentlemen in the House—and particularly to the honorable gentleman who is so zealous in support of the amendment—that, before the speech appeared, I discovered a solicitude that, by passing the subject over in silence, it might give occasion to the present discussion. * * * * * * The question by the honorable member on my right has been wrongly stated. He says it is this: whether a request of Congress to convene the Legislature is conclusive upon the Governor of the State? or whether a bare intimation of that honorable body lays him under a constitutional necessity of convening the Legislature? But this is not the true question. From the shape in which the business comes before us, the inquiry truly is: whether a solemn application of the United States to the Executive of the State to convene the Legislature for the purpose of deliberating on a matter which is considered by that body as of essential importance to the Union, and which has been viewed in a similar light by most of the other States individually, is such an extraordinary occasion as left the Governor under no constitutional impediment to a compliance? And, it may be added, whether that application, under all the circumstances, was an attempt to invade the freedom of deliberation in this House? Here let us ask, what does the Constitution say upon the subject? Simply this, that the governor “shall have power to convene the Assembly and Senate on extraordinary occasions.” But what is an extraordinary occasion? What circumstances are to concur, what ingredients combine, to constitute one? What general rule can be imagined by which to define the precise meaning of these vague terms, and draw the line between an ordinary and an extraordinary occasion? Will the gentleman on my right (that is, the ever-ready-to-jump-up-in-a-Jack-in-the-box-fashion-to-say-it-is-n’t-when-A.-H.-says-it-is Mr. Jones) furnish us with such a criterion? Profoundly skilled as he is in law (at least the local laws of the State), I fancy it will be difficult for him to invent one that will suit his present purpose. Let him consult his law books, they will not relieve his embarrassment. It is easy to see that the clause allows the greatest latitude to opinion. What one may think a very extraordinary occasion, another may think a very ordinary one, according to his bias, his interest, or his intellect. If there is any rule at all, it is this: the governor shall not call the Legislature with a view to the ordinary details of the State administration. Whatever does not fall within this description, and has any pretensions to national importance in any view, leaves him at liberty to exercise the discretion vested in him by the Constitution. There is at least no constitutional bar in the way. The United States are entrusted with the management of the general concerns and interests of the community; they have the power of war and peace; they have the power of treaty. Our affairs with respect to foreign nations are left to their direction. We must entertain very diminutive ideas of the Government of the Union, to conceive that their earnest call on a subject which they deem of great national magnitude, which affects their engagements with two respectable foreign powers, France and the United Netherlands, which relates to the preservation of their faith at home and abroad, is not such an occasion as would justify the Executive, upon the terms of the Constitution, in convening the Legislature. If this doctrine is maintained, where will it lead to? what kind of emergency must exist before the Constitution will authorize the Governor to call the Legislature? Is the preservation of our national faith a matter of such trivial moment? Is the fulfilment of the public engagements, domestic and foreign, of no moment? Must we wait for the fleets of the United Netherlands or of France to enforce the observance of them, before the Executive will be at liberty to give the Legislature an opportunity of deliberating on the means of their just demand? This is straining the indefinite words of the Legislature to a most unreasonable extreme. It would be a tenable position to say that the call of the United States is alone sufficient to satisfy the idea of an extraordinary occasion. It is easy to conceive that such a posture of European affairs might exist as would render it necessary to convene the different Legislatures to adopt measures for the public safety, and at the same time inexpedient to disclose the object till they were assembled. Will we say that Congress would be bound to communicate the object of their call to the Executive of every State; or that the Executive of this State, in complying with their request, would be guilty of a violation of the Constitution? But the present case is not that of a mere general request; it is specifically to deliberate upon an object of acknowledged importance in one view or another. On one hand it is alleged to be essential to the honor, interest, and perhaps the existence of the Union; on the other, it is said to be on principles subversive of the Constitution and dangerous to the liberty of the subject. It is therefore a matter of delicacy and moment. And the urgent call of the Union to have it considered, cannot fall within the notion of so common and so ordinary an occasion as would prohibit the Executive from summoning a meeting of the Legislature. The only argument urged to denominate it such, is that it had been recently determined upon by the Legislature. But there is an evident fallacy in this position. The call was addressed to a new and different body, really different in the contemplation of the Constitution, and materially different in fact with respect to the members who compose it. A large proportion of the members of the present House were not the members of the last. For aught that either Congress or the Governor could officially know, there might have been a total change in the individuals, and, therefore, a total difference in the sentiments. No inference, of course, could be fairly drawn from the conduct of the last Legislature to that of the present. Indeed, however it might be wished to prepossess the members of the former House with a contrary idea, it is plain that there is no necessary connection between what they did at that time and what it may be proper for them to do now. The act of the last session proves the conviction of the House then, that the grant of the impost was an eligible measure. Many members were led to suppose that it would answer the purpose, and might have been accepted by Congress. If the experiment has shown that they were mistaken in their expectations, and if it should appear to them that Congress could not for good reasons accept it, the same motives which induced them to the grant already made, would determine them to consent to such alterations as would accommodate it to the views of Congress and the other States, and make it practicable to carry the system into execution. It may be observed that as Congress accompanied their request with an explanation of the object, they, by that mode of procedure, submitted the whole matter to the discretion of the Governor, to act according to the estimate formed in his own mind as to its importance. It is not denied that the Governor had a discretion upon the occasion. It is not contended that he was under a constitutional necessity to convene the Legislature. The resolution of Congress itself does not imply or intimate this. They do not pretend to require, they only earnestly recommend. The Governor might at his peril refuse, responsible, however, for any ill consequences that might have attended his refusal. But the thing contended for is this: that the call of the United States, under the circumstances, was sufficient to satisfy the terms of the Constitution empowering him to convene the Legislature on extraordinary occasions; and left him at full liberty to comply. The admission of his discretion does not admit that it was properly exercised, nor does it admit that the footing upon which he placed his refusal was proper. It does not...